President Bush's Remarks to the Polish National Assembly

Remarks to the Polish National Assembly in Warsaw
July 10, 1989

Chairman Jaruzelski, Marshalls Kozakiewicz and Stelmachowski, Prime Minister
Rakowski, and senators and delegates, on behalf of the people of the United States, I am
honored to greet the newly elected representatives of the Polish Parliament. To be here
with you on this occasion is proof that we live in extraordinary, indeed, thrilling times.

The power and potential of this moment was first made clear to me when I saw a photo, a
worldwide photo, flashed all around the world: a photo of General Jaruzelski, senator
leader Lech Walesa, shoulder-to-shoulder -- Solidarity leader Lech Walesa -- shoulderto-shoulder at the opening session of this Parliament, committed to new progress in
Poland. Believe me, that sent a wonderful signal all around the world.

Poland and the United States are bound, it is often said, by ties of kinship and culture. But
our peoples are linked by more than sentiment. The May 3d Constitution of 1791 set
Poland ahead of her peers, ahead of her time, in the pursuit of freedom and democratic
ideas, just as our Constitution, the American Constitution of 1787, set new standards for
protection of the rights of the individual. For decades, beginning with the Versailles
Peace Conference, the United States has stood for Polish independence, freedom,
prosperity. And we are proud of our early and longstanding commitment to Polish selfdetermination. As America's President, I am here today to reaffirm that proud
commitment.

I understand something of the work you are commencing, for I began my own public
service in the American Congress. Democratically chosen legislatures are among
mankind's greatest forums for debate and dialog. And while I've been to Poland before, I
did not expect to return so soon nor to such altered circumstances in your country. And so,
too, perhaps many of you didn't expect to be here, serving in this or any Polish
Parliament, and your achievement has surpassed all expectation and has earned all our
admiration.

Our meeting today bears witness to the character of our age. Some 450 years ago, when
the Polish astronomer Copernicus came to understand the natural order of the planets and
had the courage to question accepted wisdom, the world was changed forever. From this
year forward, as Poland works to reaffirm the natural order of man and government, so,
too, will Poland be changed forever. For today the scope of political and economic
change in Poland is indeed Copernican -- a fundamental change in perspective that places
the people at the center, a new understanding that the governed are the true source of
lasting social peace and economic prosperity around which government revolves, and
exists to serve.

Poland has a rich democratic heritage. The May 3d Constitution was a stroke of genius.
Today, at the dawn of that document's third century, you're called upon to match its
genius with contemporary action, to make a peaceful transition toward political and
economic renewal through representative government that expresses the will of the
people.

I said a few weeks ago, here in Europe, that East and West have arrived at the end of one
era and at the beginning of another. Chairman Jaruzelski recently said of Poland that ``the
life of the Nation has undergone deep changes; society has the full right to ask when a ray
of sun will shine over Poland.'' In truth, this applies not just to Poland but to the entirety
of relations between East and West.

A profound cycle of turmoil and great change is sweeping the world from Poland to the
Pacific. It is sometimes inspiring, as here in Warsaw, and sometimes it's agonizing, as in
China today. But the magnitude of change we sense around the world compels us to look
within ourselves and to God to forge a rare alloy of courage and restraint.

The future beckons with both hope and uncertainty. Poland and Hungary find themselves
at a crossroads. Each has started down its own road to reform, without guarantee of easy
success. The people of these nations and the courage of their leaders command our
admiration. The way is hard; but the moment is right, both internally and internationally,
for Poland to walk its own path. On the day Solidarity was restored, I spoke of my
support and admiration for the political experiment just getting underway in Poland.
You've since proceeded further along that road, including holding the remarkable
elections that produced this Parliament. And let us consider what your experiment may
mean not just for Poland but for Europe and for the entire world.

The divided world of the modern age began here -- right here, in Poland -- 50 years ago
this summer. Your country, and then nearly all of Europe, was first besieged and then
occupied by totalitarian, despotic forces. A courageous Poland was our ally. And in that
fearful time, Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill devised the Atlantic Charter,
which outlined principles on which we hoped to build a better world, including freedom
from want and fear, and the right of peoples to choose the form of government under
which they will live. But as you know better than anyone, the world that we sought then
was not to be. Stalinist systems were imposed over a third of a continent -- the cold war
began. The countries of the West organized themselves in defense of democratic
principles, and we proposed that the Marshall plan include Eastern Europe, but again, that
was not to be.

The Western strategy, our strategy of containment, was a means but was never an end in
itself. It was no substitute for a free and united Europe, and we did not forget the
frustrated and lost hopes of 1945 nor the promise of a better world -- neither did the
Polish people. You have been a crucible of conflict; you're now becoming a vessel for
change. Poland is where the cold war began, and now the people of Poland can help bring
the division of Europe to an end. The time has come to move beyond containment to a
world too long deferred, a better world.

And now, at long last, two developments have allowed us to redeem the principles of the
Atlantic Charter for which the United States and Poland fought as allies. One is the
manifest failure of the classic Stalinist system; and the other is the indomitable will of the
people -- through leaders in Poland and Hungary, who are working to overcome the
mistakes of the past with honesty, creativity and, yes, courage. The world watches in
admiration.

And now, in part because of what you are doing here, the genuine opportunity exists for
all of us to build a Europe which many thought was destroyed forever in the 1940's. That
Europe, the Europe of our children, will be open, whole, and free. We can make it so in
two ways.

First, a new East-West relationship must rest on greatly reduced levels of arms. I notice
what General Jaruzelski said on that point, and I support him. We in the West have
proposed dramatic reductions in conventional armed forces in Europe, reductions that
promise to transform the military map of Europe and diminish the very threat of war. The
new willingness in Moscow to accept this Western framework for reductions in troops
and tanks and aircraft and other categories of weapons gives us hope that the negotiations
in Vienna will succeed. A good beginning has been made. Constructive proposals are
being offered on both sides. We are determined to push hard for an early and successful
conclusion to these talks.

Second, reductions in military forces will go further and be more sustainable if they take
place in parallel with political change. Excessive levels of arms, we believe, are the
symptom, and not the source, of political tensions. In Europe those tensions spring from
an unnatural and cruel division. Poland's decision to embrace political reform and
Hungary's movement in the same direction thus have great importance beyond their
borders. By creating political structures legitimized by popular will -- by that, your
reforms can be the foundation of stability, security, and prosperity not just here but in all
of Europe, now and into the next century.

Mikhail Gorbachev has written: ``Universal security rests on the recognition of the right
of every nation to choose its own path of social development and on the renunciation of
interference in the domestic affairs of other states. A nation may choose either capitalism
or socialism. This is its sovereign right.'' In principle, I agree, but I might well have said
that the people of a nation may freely choose either a free-market economy or socialism -
- that is their right. And so, the West works not to disrupt, not to interfere, not to threaten
any nation's security but to help forge closer and enduring ties between Poland and the
rest of Europe.

As a result of the roundtable accords, Poland's fate lies more than ever in Polish hands,
and there it must ever remain. Your responsibility for your country's future is immense.
Poland's friends, including the American people, want Poland to be free, prosperous,
democratic, independent -- true to the best tradition of your nation's past. And this regime
is moving forward with a sense of realism and courage in a time of great difficulty and
challenge. Lech Walesa and Solidarity are deeply committed to institutions in Poland that
will serve all its people. This Parliament, by its very existence, is advancing pluralism,
and the church has served as a source of spiritual guidance and unity in turbulent times.

But above all, there are the people of Poland, people who are steadfastly working toward
productive change.

And yet, even under the best circumstances, representative government has its own
challenges. It requires patience, tolerance, and give-and-take between political opponents.
But its virtue is that it grants legitimacy to leaders and their policies; it gives governments
and societies the mandate to make hard choices. And through their involvement, it gives
the people a stake in the choices that are made.

For over 200 years, Americans have wrestled over political and economic interests, over
individual and civil rights, and the role of a loyal opposition. Democracy is not a
conclusion; it's a process, and perfecting it never ends. But history has taught Americans
one very clear lesson: Democracy works.

We understand in my country the enormous economic problems you face. Economic
privation is a danger that can threaten any great democratic experiment. And I must speak
honestly: Economic reform and recovery cannot occur without sacrifices. Even in an
economy as productive as ours, we still debate the roles and limits of government: how to
regulate the private sector without discouraging innovation; how to reduce our own
enormous budget deficit; how to balance workers' needs and industrial efficiency; how to
handle the painful disruptions of change for the sake of productivity, for the sake of
progress, for the sake of prosperity.

The reform of the Polish economy presents an historic challenge. There can be no
substitute for Poland's own efforts, but I want to stress to you today that Poland is not
alone. Given the enormity of this moment, the United States stands ready to help as you
help yourselves.

In Hamtramck, Michigan, 3 months ago, I outlined a policy of support for the reforms
then just beginning in Poland. I proposed specific steps, carefully chosen, to recognize
the reforms underway here and to encourage reforms yet to come. It is a policy built on
dynamic interplay of progress in Poland and Western engagement, and not on unsound
credits made without regard to necessary reforms. That was the record of the 1970's;
Poland and the United States need not repeat that. Our efforts will be carefully targeted in
support of an emerging new Poland. We've made progress on the steps announced at
Hamtramck, and this is where we stand.

Legislation is well underway that will help Polish exporters compete more effectively in
the U.S. market through Generalized Systems of Preferences and that will authorize our
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, providing investment
insurance and setting up missions to stimulate U.S. investment and joint ventures here.
The United States is proposing a private business agreement that will promote contacts
between Poland's growing private business sector and its American counterparts. We
hope to conclude an agreement soon to build on what promises to be an unprecedented
opportunity.

There is great interest and excitement in the United States about what you're doing in
Poland and a clear-cut desire to help the reform process. I hosted a White House
symposium on July 6th to bring together citizens of my country interested in promoting
investment, trade, and academic exchange with Poland and Hungary. And I can assure
you that, more than ever before, the American people will be involved in your democratic
experiment.

I've said that as Poland reforms itself, the U.S. will respond. Much has happened even in
the short time since Hamtramck. So, today I'm pleased to announce that we plan to do
more and go farther for the sake of a stable and prosperous Poland.

First, I will propose at the upcoming economic summit in Paris that the nations of the
summit, that Summit Seven, intensify their coordination and concerted action to promote
democratic reform in Poland and Hungary and to help manage compassionately the
process of change. We will work with our partners at the summit, moving quickly with
increased Western aid and technical assistance. This concerted action will complement
existing institutions like the World Bank, the Paris Club, and IMF [International
Monetary Fund], and address needed economic reforms, credits, management and
training initiatives, social safety nets, housing, and other issues important to Poland.

Second, I will ask the United States Congress to provide a 0 million fund to capitalize
and invigorate the Polish private sector, and we will encourage parallel contributions
from other nations of the economic summit.

Third, I will encourage the World Bank to move ahead with 5 million in economically
viable loans to help Polish agriculture and industry reach the production levels they are so
clearly capable of.

And fourth, I will ask my counterparts in the West to support an early and generous
rescheduling of Polish debt. This could provide deferral of debt payments amounting to
about billion this year if our allies and friends in the Paris Club agree to join us in
offering liberalized terms. I plan to discuss this issue with my colleagues at the Paris
summit.

Fifth, economic progress should not come at the expense of our common heritage, our
common inheritance -- the environment. In fact, sound ecology and a strong economy can
and must coexist. Air and water pollution know no boundaries, and this concern is
worldwide. Almost 2 years ago, I visited Krakow, your former royal capital, a city
recognized by UNESCO as an international treasure. Today Krakow is under siege by
pollution; its priceless monuments are being destroyed. Krakow must be reclaimed, and
the United States will help. And I'll ask the Congress for million for a cooperative
venture with Poland to help fight air and water pollution there.

Sixth, and finally, when I begin my remarks -- when I began them, I mentioned the
shared cultured heritage of our two nations. Today, I'm proud to announce that the United
States will establish a cultural and information center in Warsaw, and we'll ask Poland to
establish a similar center in the United States. This will be the first time that either of our
two countries will be able to conduct educational and cultural programs outside of our
Embassies and consulates.

The elections which brought us -- all of us -- together here today mean that the path the
Polish people have chosen is that of political pluralism and economic rebirth. The road
ahead is a long one, but it is the only road which leads to prosperity and social peace.
Poland's progress along this road will show the way toward a new era throughout Europe,
an era based on common values and not just geographic proximity. The Western
democracies will stand with the Polish people and other peoples of this region.

Democracy has captured the spirit of our time. Like all forms of government, though it
may be defended, democracy can never be imposed. We believe in democracy -- for
without doubt, though democracy may be a dream deferred for many, it remains, in my
view, the destiny of man.

Two hundred years ago, democratic constitutions were adopted by three nations,
embodying the powerful influence of the Enlightenment, as a testament to ideas that
endure. The American Constitution was first and has stood the test of history for over 200
years of our existence as a republic. Constitutional democracy in France began two
centuries ago this summer, and in a few days, leaders from all over the world will be in
Paris to celebrate the anniversary of its birth.

On May 3, 1991, the Polish Constitution will also be 200 years old. Your Constitution of
1791 was crushed, but never forgotten. And now this generation's calling is to redeem the
promise of a free Polish Republic. Poland has not been lost so long as the Polish spirit
lives.

America wishes you well as you face the tough problems today. I salute General
Jaruzelski for his leadership and his extraordinary hospitality to me. I salute the leaders
and members of these two great legislative bodies. God, in His infinite wisdom and love,
is with us in this chamber. May God bless you and your efforts. Long live Poland! Long
live Poland! Thank you very, very much.

Note: The President spoke at 2:28 p.m. in the main chamber of the Parliament Building.
In his opening remarks, he referred to Wojciech Jaruzelski, Chairman of the Council of
State; Mikolaj Kozakiewicz, Speaker of the Lower House of the National Assembly;
Andrzej Stelmachowski, Speaker of the Senate; and Prime Minister Mieczyslaw
Rakowski. The Paris Club was a group of major Western industrialized nations that lent
money to developing countries.

George H. W. Bush, "Remarks to the Polish National Assembly," speech, Warsaw, Poland, July 10, 1989, Bush Presidential Library, Documents and Papers, Bush Library (accessed May 14, 2008).